Fiona Paisley follows the impact of PPWA in another direction and into a later period. Just as Bosch’s article considers the internal complexity of Dutch national womanhood in an international environment, so too does Paisley trace how international venues such as the PPWA facilitated the diversification of feminist practice in the United States. South asia in world politics pdf focuses on two very different figures, both of whom used the PPWA to make the case for African American women on an international feminist stage, and for international women’s organisations as a venue for African Americans and other national minorities.
The first of these women, Pearl Sherrod Takahashi, is one of several fascinating and idiosyncratic characters brought to a wider audience in this special issue. European traditions of racial uplift. The second of Paisley’s figures, Ella P. Stewart, helped to transform this tradition even further.
Following Stewart’s participation in the renamed Pan Pacific and South East Asian Women’s Association, Paisley brings the first wave of international feminism through WWII and into a new period, shaped by the cold War and the growing assertions of the Non Aligned Nations. Check if you have access through your login credentials or your institution. The idea of people’s participation has long been part of development thinking. But today the management of local natural resources by village communities is widely accepted as an institutional imperative. It is therefore essential to examine how these institutions perform, especially from the perspective of the more disadvantaged. Based on extensive fieldwork among community forestry groups in India and Nepal, and existing case studies, this paper demonstrates how seemingly participatory institutions can exclude significant sections, such as women. It provides a typology of participation, spells out the gender equity and efficiency implications of such exclusions, and analyzes what underlies them.
It also outlines a conceptual framework to help analyze the process of gender exclusion and how it might be alleviated. 2001 Published by Elsevier Ltd. A new survey report looks at attitudes among Muslims in 39 countries on a wide range of topics, from science to sharia, polygamy to popular culture. The survey finds that overwhelming percentages of Muslims in many countries want Islamic law to be the official law of their land, but there is also widespread support for democracy and religious freedom. But many supporters of sharia say it should apply only to their country’s Muslim population. The survey also shows that Muslims differ widely in how they interpret certain aspects of sharia, including whether divorce and family planning are morally acceptable. The survey involved a total of more than 38,000 face-to-face interviews in 80-plus languages.
Central Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa. Attitudes toward Islamic law vary significantly by region. Within regions, support for enshrining sharia as official law is particularly high in some countries with predominantly Muslim populations, such as Afghanistan and Iraq. But support for sharia is not limited to countries where Muslims make up a majority of the population. Distinct legal and political cultures may help to explain the differing levels of support for sharia. Many of the countries surveyed in Central Asia and Southern and Eastern Europe share a history of separating religion and the state. By contrast, governments in many of the countries surveyed in South Asia and the Middle East-North Africa region have officially embraced Islam.
The Islamic jurisprudence that comes out of the human exercise of codifying and interpreting these principles is known as fiqh. Muslim scholars and jurists continue to debate the boundary between sharia and fiqh as well as other aspects of Islamic law. Indeed, the survey finds that support for making sharia the law of the land is often higher in countries where the constitution or basic laws already favor Islam over other religions. By comparison, in countries where Islam is not legally favored, roughly a third or fewer Muslims say sharia should be the law of the land. The survey also finds that views about instituting sharia in the domestic-civil sphere frequently mirror a country’s existing legal system.
Asked whether religious judges should decide family and property disputes, at least half of Muslims living in countries that have religious family courts answer yes. By contrast, in countries where secular courts oversee family matters, fewer than half of Muslims think that family and property disputes should be within the purview of religious judges. When comparing Muslim attitudes toward sharia as official law and its specific application in the domestic sphere, three countries are particularly instructive: Lebanon, Tunisia and Turkey. In Lebanon, Islam is not the favored religion of the state, but the major Muslim sects in the country operate their own courts overseeing family law. Tunisia’s legal framework is, in key respects, the opposite of Lebanon’s: The Tunisian Constitution favors Islam over other religions, but religious courts, which once governed family law, were abolished in 1956. Turkey’s evolution in the early 20th century included sweeping legal reforms resulting in a secular constitution and legal framework.
As part of these changes, traditional sharia courts were eliminated in the 1920s. The survey finds that religious devotion also shapes attitudes toward sharia. In many countries, Muslims with higher levels of religious commitment are more likely to support sharia. In Russia, for example, Muslims who say they pray several times a day are 37 percentage points more likely to support making sharia official law than Muslims who say they pray less frequently. Similarly, in Lebanon, the Palestinian territories and Tunisia, Muslims who say they pray several times a day are at least 25 percentage points more supportive of enshrining sharia as official law than are less observant Muslims. Across the countries surveyed, support for making sharia the official law of the land generally varies little by age, gender or education.
In the few countries where support for Islamic law varies significantly by age, older Muslims tend to favor enshrining sharia as the law of the land more than younger Muslims do. When Muslims around the world say they want sharia to be the law of the land, what role do they envision for religious law in their country? First, many, but by no means all, supporters of sharia believe the law of Islam should apply only to Muslims. In addition, those who favor Islamic law tend to be most comfortable with its application to questions of family and property. But in South Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, medians of more than half back both severe criminal punishments and the death penalty for Muslims who renounce their faith. Muslims who favor making sharia the law of the land generally agree that the requirements of Islam should apply only to Muslims.